M INFO

The Political Line of the Maoist Internationalist Movement–Lotus.

“The correctness or otherwise of the ideological and political line decides everything. When the Party’s line is correct, then everything will come its way. If it has no followers, then it can have followers; if it has no guns, then it can have guns; if it has no political power, then it can have political power.” —MAO ZEDONG, Talks with Responsible Comrades…, Selected Works vol. IX


What is MIM-Lotus? What is the Maoist Internationalist Movement? What is Maoism?

MIM-Lotus is an organization of revolutionary communists.

We seek the abolishment of all oppression and exploitation — to create a communist world. We believe that this is only possible by building public opinion to seize state power through a revolutionary armed struggle. Our work is guided by the revolutionary communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. We work from the vantage point of the international (Third World) proletariat, i.e. we are proletarian-internationalists.

We believe that the majority of the world’s people are ground down and oppressed by imperialism; that U.S. imperialism is the principal enemy of the world’s oppressed majority; that imperialist country workers — a parasitic minority — are a non-revolutionary, pro-imperialist “worker elite;” and that they are not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in the imperialist countries (nor the world).

MIM-Lotus is a cell of the Maoist Internationalist Movement. The Maoist Internationalist Movement is a loose collection of cells that are based primarily in the imperialist countries.

There is currently no “center” of the MIM. MIM-Lotus is organized on the basis of MIM’s Resolutions on Cell Organization ratified at the Second Session of the 2005 Congress of the U.S. MIM Party. Accordingly, MIM-Lotus is a clandestine cell; members of MIM-Lotus work anonymously.

Three Main Points

MIM-Lotus differs from other revolutionary communist organizations by three main points of unity:

  1. We hold that once the proletariat seizes power in a socialist revolution, a ‘new bourgeoisie’ forms within the Communist Party itself. Class struggle continues both inside and outside the Party, which will lead to capitalist restoration unless there is continuous revolution. In Russia, a new bourgeoisie seized power after the death of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after the death of Mao and the overthrow of the “Gang of Four” in 1976.
  2. We hold that the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was the furthest advancement towards communism in the whole history of class struggles.
  3. We hold that the principal contradiction of imperialism — the exploitation of labour by monopoly capital as mediated by the oppression of nations — is between majority exploiter (imperialist) and majority exploited countries, the so-called ‘First’ and ‘Third Worlds.’ Further, that the extraction of ‘super-profits’ from the Third World has allowed the bourgeoisies of the imperialist countries to “buy off” imperialist country labour, which now forms a part of the mass petty bourgeoisie called the “labour aristocracy.” This class has no material interest in socialist revolution, partially because it is paid ‘super-wages’ wholly dependent upon the super-exploitation of workers in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Thus, there is no proletariat — a class “objectively, and increasingly subjectively” poised to seize power and create communism — in the First World.

MIM-Lotus upholds the “Gang of Four” against state-capitalism in China; we uphold ‘Stalinism’ against Khrushchevite-Brezhnevite social-imperialism; and we oppose ‘First Worldism,’ the chauvinist line that First World workers are more productive, and more exploited than Third World workers — and thus, better positioned for socialist revolution. For communists, these are still dividing-line questions.

What is Maoism?

It does little to say that Maoism is the collective writings of Mao Zedong — a doctrine which grew out of the first successful Third World peasant revolution that liberated China from imperialism in 1949 and guided the building of socialism in that country until the capitalists seized power in 1977.

Maoism, i.e. Mao Zedong Thought, is the product of the integration of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of revolution in China.

Marxism is the science which explains the laws of development of nature and of society. Leninism is “Marxism in the era of imperialism.” Taken together, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism represents the highest stage of the development of revolutionary thought/theory, and is currently our best guide to understanding the world so as to change it.

“Maoism” (MZT) is famous for land reform, the collectivization of agriculture in what was then a poor, agrarian country, ejecting both foreign occupiers and pro-landlord elements with the strategy of “people’s war,” winning out against a numerically, financially, and technically superior enemy, and ending China’s opium addiction, as well as outlawing pornography and prostitution, establishing China’s first divorce laws, and eventually instituting worker-run industry without private property.

Most importantly, Mao proved that it was possible to lead socialist revolution in a poor and “backward” country without widespread capitalist production, with the main revolutionary forces comprising the peasantry. This went against the revisionist line — “the theory of the productive forces” espoused by many orthodox Marxist-Leninists at the time.

The Chinese Revolution and its ideology had a major influence on the subsequent anti-colonial struggles in Africa and Asia throughout the 50’s–70’s, and even influenced many groups in the imperialist countries, most notably the U.S. Black Panther Party and the Danish Communist Working Circle.

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MIM is the imperialist country incarnation of the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, chiefly the report, Long Live the Victory of People’s War!, delivered to the Ninth Congress by Vice-Chairman Lin Biao — its eighth section, “The International Significance of Comrade Mao Zedong’s Theory of Protracted People’s War” in particular:

“Taking the entire globe, if North America and West Europe constitute ‘the cities of the world,’ then Asia, Africa and Latin America constitute ‘the rural areas of the world.’ […] In a sense, the contemporary world revolution also presents a picture of the encirclement of cities by the rural areas. In the final analysis, the whole cause of world revolution hinges on the revolutionary struggles of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples who make up the overwhelming majority of the world’s population. The socialist countries should regard it as their internationalist duty to support the people’s revolutionary struggles in Asia, Africa and Latin America.” —LIN BIAO

The Ninth Congress saw the purge of Deng Xiaoping and his allies, and elevated Mao Zedong and his allies within the Party after years of steady decline. The Tenth Congress saw the rise of the “Gang of Four” to key Party positions as well as the rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping — marking a definitive fork in the road for the Chinese Communist Party and the international communist movement. By the Eleventh Congress, with the downfall of the “Gang of Four” and the election of Hua Guofeng to the position of Party Chairman, the Party had firmly taken the capitalist road. Today, China is a state-capitalist country and aspiring imperialist power.

The Ninth Congress was the pinnacle of Chinese socialism and the peak of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Throughout the Tenth and Eleventh, revisionism (Deng Xiaoping Thought) would replace Maoism as the guiding ideology of the Chinese Communist Party.

What is capitalist-imperialism?

“Capital is dead labour, which, vampire-like, lives only by sucking living labor, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks.” —MARX

In a word, capitalist-imperialism is the system of unrequited international value transfer, i.e. the international exploitation of labour, through mechanisms such as colonial tribute, neocolonial debt, monopoly rent, and (chiefly) unequal exchange.

Maoists further define capitalist-imperialism, i.e. monopoly capitalism, as:

  • The globalization and domination of finance capital; and the subjection of capital accumulation in the Third World to the reproduction of First World oligopoly capital
  • The export of capital from and the import of commodities to the imperialist countries from the Third World
  • The international division of labour, i.e. the division of the world into countries producing and countries consuming (and realizing) surplus value
  • The bourgeoisification (and attendant deproletarianization) of workers in the imperialist countries and the immense expansion and concentration of the international proletariat in the Third World

Since the post-WWII détente, the world has been subject to U.S. imperialist institutions (banks, military, information-technology, etc.), and the enforcement of U.S. hegemony through U.S.-led NATO militarism by means of open war, proxy war, coup d’état, and internal subversion. In recent years, however, there has been an intensifying of inter-imperialist rivalry, between both eastern aspiring and western imperialist powers and among western allies.

“The export of capital, one of the most essential economic bases of imperialism, still more completely isolates the rentiers from production and sets the seal of parasitism on the whole country that lives by exploiting the labour of several overseas countries and colonies.” —LENIN


Our Ten Point Program

What We Want•What We Believe

Our ten point program is informed by the foundational documents of the U.S. MIM Party, What is MIM?, as well as our own analysis.

  1. We want communism. We believe communism is the abolition of all oppression — class, nation, gender — and all exploitation, and that anyone who wants to end oppression is a communist. There are four points, or “Four Alls,”[x] that sum up the essence of communism. They are:
    • The abolition of class generally
    • The abolition of all corresponding productive relations
    • The abolition of all social relations corresponding to the productive relations
    • The abolition of all ideas of the corresponding social relations
  2. Communism is, in essence, classless society.
  3. We want socialism. We believe that socialism is the only path to communism. We believe that the current dictatorship of the bourgeoisie oppresses the world’s majority. We believe that socialism — the dictatorship of the proletariat — is a necessary step towards a world without oppression — a communist world. Socialism is, in essence, a state of transition between class society and classlessness, capitalism and communism. We uphold socialism in the U.S.S.R. under Lenin/Stalin (1917-1953) and China under Mao (1949-1976) as models in this regard.
  4. We want revolutionary armed struggle. We believe that the oppressors will not give up power without a fight. Ending the current system of oppression — imperialism — is only possible by building an anti-imperialist political culture, i.e. “public opinion,” to seize power through revolutionary armed struggle. However, we believe that, in the imperialist countries especially, armed struggle is a serious strategic mistake until the imperialists become really helpless. Whereas revolution in the Third World becomes possible when the forces of international reaction are unable to intervene effectively, revolution in the First World will only be possible when the imperialist militaries have become over-extended in their attempts to maintain worldwide hegemony.
    “We are advocates of the omnipotence of revolutionary war; that is good, not bad, it is Marxist. […] Experience in the class struggle in the era of imperialism teaches us that it is only by the power of the gun that the labouring masses can defeat the armed bourgeoisie and landlords; in this sense we may say that only with guns can the whole world be transformed. We are advocates of the abolition of war, we do not want war; but war can only be abolished through war, and in order to get rid of the gun it is necessary to take up the gun.” —MAO ZEDONG, Problems of War and Strategy, Selected Works vol. II
  5. We want organization and ideology. a) organization: We want independent media and social institutions for the oppressed. We believe that the best independent institution for the oppressed would be a self-reliant socialist government. We believe that democratic-centralism — the Leninist organizing principle of unified application of majority decisions — is necessary to defeat the oppressors. Against anarchism and individualism, communists are in favour of authority and hierarchy. b) ideology: We want to “put politics in command.” We believe that correct tactics flow from correct strategy, which flows from having a correct political and ideological line. We are Maoists, which means we put the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in command against phoney Maoism, Trotskyism, and revisionism, opportunism, and dogmatism of all types. We believe that this ideological struggle goes hand-in-hand with the armed struggle against the oppressors.
  6. We want a global class analysis at the forefront of a global class struggle. We believe that class is global. Consequently, class analysis and the entire notion of waging class struggle must be considered globally as well. Our global class analysis illuminates a wide array of social classes with various economic roles and political attitudes towards revolution:
    • The “international” bourgeoisies of the First World
    • The comprador bourgeoisies of the Third World
    • The nationalist (patriotic) bourgeoisies of the Third World
    • The mass petty bourgeoisie, which includes the “working petty bourgeoisie,” or labour aristocracy
    • The nationally oppressed peoples of the First World — those forced into oppressive social relations, even if they are free from exploitative productive relations
    • The modern (international) proletariat, which includes the peasantry — those creating new value in the world economy, and living at or below subsistence
    The masses of the First World are typically ‘net-exploiters’ whose incomes are far and above the value they create. This is accomplished through global wage scaling and the super-exploitation of the Third World. ‘Super-wages’ have the ideological function of transforming the masses of these economies into agents of imperialism. Thus, while we recruit from these and other reactionary groups to work against their class, national and gender interests on an individual basis, we do not seek strategic unity with them as a group. In fact, we believe that imperialist country workers, like the bourgeoisie, owe reparations to the international proletariat. We believe that there is no real proletariat — a class of economically exploited workers — in the First World. There is a significant class excluded from the economic relations of production called the “lumpen” (prisoners, et al.). However, the main antagonism within the imperialist countries is between the oppressed ‘internal semi-colonies’ and migrant nations and nationalities, and the (white) oppressor nation.
  7. We want a global people’s war and a global new democratic revolution. In pre-communist China, there was a deep division between the underdeveloped countryside and the cities which constituted the base areas of foreign and domestic reactionary power. Mao’s theory of protracted people’s war sought to create “dual power” in the country, where the rural areas — garrisoned mainly by the peasantry, which experienced the most extreme oppression and exploitation, in tandem with coalitions of other progressive and revolutionary elements of society — functioned as a base area of revolutionary power. We believe Mao’s theory of protracted people’s war is the best suited means of revolutionary struggle in peripheral and semi-peripheral countries.

    In today’s world system, there is a deeper division between an underdeveloped “global countryside” and the “global cities” constituting the base areas of international reactionary power. Given the vast disparity between the so-called First and Third Worlds, the struggle of the world’s masses is not immediately one for socialism but for global new democracy. Thus, the theory of global people’s war seeks to create dual power on a global scale, where the global countryside functions as a base area of revolutionary power for the wider encirclement and hewing in of U.S. imperialism by a broad united front and the building of the requisite productive forces, relations, and consciousness necessary for socialist revolution. Subsequently, global new democracy is the transition stage between semi-feudalism, semi-colonialism, bureaucrat-capitalism, and socialism on a global scale, culminating in a global proletarian dictatorship.
  8. We want a global joint-dictatorship of the proletariats of oppressed nations. If capitalism is the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, then imperialism is a joint-dictatorship of the bourgeoisies of oppressor nations. The joint-dictatorship of the proletariats of oppressed nations (JDPON) amounts to forcing U.S. imperialism into receivership by something like a proletarian United Nations. The JDPON aims to redistribute imperialist country capital more evenly throughout the world economy, and to end unequal exchange. Essentially, the JDPON would be a global reparations program led by the international proletariat.
  9. We want continuous and global revolution. The oppressed will not be liberated solely by seizing state power through revolutionary armed struggle, or even by simply smashing capitalism. Communist revolution must be global and totalall social, cultural, political and economic relations must be revolutionized in every country in the world. China’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the best example we have of the attempt to entirely eradicate capitalist influence, and build a society free from all oppression. What we want, essentially, is global proletarian cultural revolution.
  10. We want a proletarian-internationalist feminism. We believe that, just as there is no such thing as “workers” in general, there is no such thing as “women” in general. We believe that sex, through sexuality, has ceased to be about controlling labour-power. We define gender as a separate strand of oppression from class and nation. We locate gender in leisure-time how class is located in labour-time. Women of the imperialist countries constitute a “gender aristocracy,” not unlike how imperialist country workers constitute a labour aristocracy. This gender aristocracy, having more “gender power” than women and men of the Third World, has no objective interest in the abolition of Patriarchy, because of the leisure-time afforded to it. It is due to these relations during leisure-time that a corresponding bourgeois feminism has become the guiding ideology of oppressor nation women. We aim to fight this bourgeois feminism with proletarian feminism. The popularization of the ideology of the gender aristocracy has today spread even further throughout the world due to U.S. cultural hegemony.
  11. We want national liberation. We believe that the oppressed nations have a right to self-determination, up to and including the right to secede from any union, and to form nation-specific revolutionary parties in pursuit of Statehood. We support plebiscites to determine Nationhood, Statehood, or both, for the internal semi-colonies and Indigenous peoples of North America. We also support the right of the Indigenous peoples to land (all of it), up to and including the right to deport the white nation back to Europe in its entirety.


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xNote: The four bullet-points on the “Four Alls” are paraphrased from The Class Struggles in France, a series of articles by Karl Marx (written between January-October 1850) and published in the German daily Neue Rheinische Zeitung Revue, or New Rhenish Newspaper.


MIM Thought/Theory

The majority of our politics stem from the fourteen volumes of MIM Theory, the theoretical journal of the defunct U.S. MIM Party, as well as the incomplete fifteenth volume, Imperialism and its Class Structure in 1997; the early writings of the now-defunct Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Movement (especially those of Nick Brown); Marx, Lenin, and Mao; the economic treatises of Arghiri Emmanuel — his theory of ‘unequal exchange’ in particular; and Zak Cope’s duology into the class structure and mechanics of imperialism: Divided World, Divided Class, and The Wealth of (Some) Nations.

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“Marxism comprises many principles, but in the final analysis they can all be brought back to a single sentence: it is right to rebel.” —MAO★

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